The Cost of Illegal Immigration: A Decades-Long Deception

By /

As conservatives, we seek truth; as patriots, we demand accountability. As Americans who value evidence over stories, we hold fast to the principle of examining facts to guide our decisions, ensuring our policies reflect reality. Yet, have we fully examined the evidence about illegal immigration—people entering or living in the United States without legal permission—or do we accept the stories we’re told without digging deeper? Many worry that illegal immigration drains our resources, threatens our security, and takes jobs from citizens, concerns rooted in a desire to keep America strong. But what if the system that allows illegal immigration benefits powerful groups—industries, politicians, and donors—while we focus our frustration on the workers themselves? This article reveals a pattern of deception spanning over four decades, where leaders from both political parties have enabled undocumented workers to fill critical jobs in agriculture and construction, all while promising to stop them. Their actions protect profits and political campaigns, yet we often blame the immigrants who labor in our fields and build our homes. Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, Joe Biden, and Donald Trump all play roles in this system. To understand this, we must look at the evidence with open minds, asking who truly gains from the immigration system we criticize.

The Costs We Fear, the Contributions We Overlook, the Inefficiencies We Ignore

Many Americans, especially conservatives, believe that educating children of undocumented immigrants places a heavy financial burden on public schools, raising taxes and limiting resources for other students. Yet, the evidence shows that these families pay significant taxes that help fund schools, and the real reason for high education costs lies in wasteful spending, not the presence of these students.

Public schools spend an average of $14,891 per student annually, covering salaries, supplies, buildings, buses, and meals (National Center for Education Statistics, 2020). Costs vary widely—New York spends $26,571, while Utah spends $9,095—driven by inefficiencies like rising pension costs and a 702% increase in non-teaching staff nationwide since 1950 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2021; Reason Foundation, 2016; Reason Foundation, 2024). In 2022, 4.4 million public school students had at least one undocumented parent, but only 1.1 million were undocumented themselves (Pew Research, 2022; Migration Policy Institute, 2013). Educating these 1.1 million costs ~$16.4 billion annually ($14,891 × 1.1 million), but some groups, like the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR), claim $116 billion by including 3.3 million U.S.-citizen students, inflating the crisis (FAIR, 2017). FAIR’s figure, from a Center for Immigration Studies affiliate, contrasts with neutral estimates, raising questions about data motives.

Undocumented families offset costs through taxes. Their $7.1 billion in property taxes (via rent) reduces the net education cost to $9.3 billion—1.2% of the $764 billion K-12 budget (ITEP, 2017). They also pay $6.2 billion in sales taxes and $13.3 billion in federal taxes, including Social Security, which they cannot access (ITEP, 2017). The Congressional Budget Office estimates these taxes nearly offset local service costs (CBO, 2010). Immigration boosts the economy by hundreds of billions annually, with DACA’s 580,000 recipients contributing $42 billion (CBO, 2010; UCLA, 2021). Why focus on costs when contributions and inefficiencies tell a broader story?

A System That Enables, Protects, and Profits

For over forty years, politicians have promised to secure borders and protect jobs, yet their actions enable undocumented workers to fill low-wage jobs, sustained by industry donations. In 1986, Reagan’s Immigration Reform and Control Act legalized 3 million undocumented immigrants but rarely enforced employer penalties, issuing only 1,700 fines from 1987–1990 (CATO Institute, 2010). Agriculture donated millions to campaigns, ensuring lax enforcement (OpenSecrets.org, 2020). By 1990, undocumented numbers grew to 5 million (Pew Research, 2005).

Clinton’s 1996 laws increased border patrols but kept E-Verify voluntary, with <1% employer use, allowing 20% of construction workers to remain undocumented (USCIS, 2000; Center for Immigration Studies, 1999). Agriculture donations grew, and undocumented numbers reached 8.6 million (OpenSecrets.org, 2020; Pew Research, 2005). Bush’s 2006 Secure Fence Act built 700 miles of fencing, but workplace raids dropped to 4,000 in 2008, with agriculture’s donations ensuring labor access (ICE, 2008; OpenSecrets.org, 2020). By 2008, undocumented numbers hit 11.9 million (Pew Research, 2009).

Biden’s 2021–2023 policies saw 8.2 million border encounters, with 2.5 million in 2023, expanding DACA (580,000 protected) and TPS (400,000 permits), while workplace raids dropped to 1,000 in 2023 (CBP, 2023; USCIS, 2023; ICE, 2023). Over 600 sanctuary cities limited ICE cooperation, and agriculture donated millions, sustaining 11–14 million undocumented workers (Center for Immigration Studies, 2023; OpenSecrets.org, 2020). The system thrives because 50% of farmworkers, 25% of construction workers, and 20% of hospitality workers are undocumented, saving industries $20 billion annually (USDA, 2022; Center for Immigration Studies, 2019; American Farm Bureau, 2020). NAFTA’s displacement of 2 million Mexican farmers and $13 billion in cartel profits fuel migration, yet only 11,000 E-Verify audits occurred in 2022 (Economic Policy Institute, 2006; DEA, 2021; USCIS, 2022). Why promise security while enabling labor?

Trump’s Promises, Profits, and Exemptions

Trump made stopping illegal immigration a cornerstone, promising to deport millions and build a wall to protect jobs and safety. Yet, his actions show inconsistencies, profiting from undocumented labor while protecting donor industries. His business empire, valued at $4 billion, employed undocumented workers for decades, saving millions with lower wages (Forbes, 2020). In the 1980s, 200 Polish workers, many undocumented, earned $4–$5/hour to build Trump Tower, settling a 1983 lawsuit for $1.38 million in 1998 (Univision, 2019). From 2010–2019, 48 undocumented workers at 11 Trump properties provided pay stubs showing managers knew their status, and seven at his Virginia winery were fired post-2019 harvest to avoid criticism (Univision, 2019). These workers cost 20–30% less, boosting profits (Center for Immigration Studies, 2019).

In his first term (2017–2021), Trump deported ~2 million undocumented immigrants, half of Obama’s 2.5 million, with workplace raids dropping to 1,700 in 2019 (ICE, 2021). The border wall cost $11 billion for 450 miles, mostly replacing existing barriers, yet 1.7 million apprehensions occurred in 2020 (CBP, 2020). E-Verify remained voluntary, with only 10,000 audits in 2020, and agriculture’s donations ensured labor access (USCIS, 2020; OpenSecrets.org, 2020). Trump’s rhetoric, like calling some immigrants “animals” in 2018, rallied supporters but didn’t disrupt the labor system (Politico, 2018). How can promises of security align with profits from labor?

A Pattern That Divides, Yet Could Unite

For over forty years, leaders have promised to secure borders and protect resources, yet enabled a system that depends on 11–14 million undocumented workers, saving businesses $20 billion annually (American Farm Bureau, 2020; Pew Research, 2024). Agriculture’s donations influenced weak enforcement, with only 11,000 E-Verify audits in 2022 (OpenSecrets.org, 2020; USCIS, 2022). These workers pay $27 billion in taxes, supporting Social Security and schools, yet face deportation risks (ITEP, 2017). Data varies widely—FAIR’s $116 billion education cost vs. $9.3 billion net, 11–14 million vs. older 10 million estimates—reflecting narratives over truth (FAIR, 2017; CBO, 2010).

This pattern, evident in Reagan, Clinton, Bush, Biden, and Trump, thrives on industry needs and campaign funds, dividing Americans against immigrants when unity in truth is possible. Reagan’s 1989 vision of a “shining city on a hill” welcomed contributors, yet policies punish those whose labor we rely on (Reagan Foundation, 1989). The evidence shows a system that exploits labor and obscures data, but recognizing contributions could align with our values of truth, fairness, and opportunity.

Sources

Scroll to Top